The future of the financial services industry – centred in the City of London – matters enormously to the health of the United Kingdom’s economy. The Trade and Co-operation Agreement (TCA) has few provisions on financial services and the UK now appears set to drive a wedge between EU and British rules so it can “benefit” from its new-found Brexit freedom.
In reality, this “wedge” is
unlikely to benefit the economic prospects of the City or the United Kingdom.
There can be no doubt that the EU will use the “autonomy of its
decision-making process” – as stressed in the TCA. If the UK wishes to
row alongside the EU super-tanker and “take” its rules, then the UK will remain
“equivalent[1]”.
But current UK policy intentions suggest there will be an ever-widening gulf by
the end of this Commission’s term in 2024 – as the logical outcome of UK
policy. The internationally mobile financial services industry will undoubtedly
take account of this probability in planning the location of future business
opportunities.
How
might this play out by say 2024? Could the divergence cause the end of the
City’s dominance of European finance? It might well do.
____________________________________________________________________________
Size matters
The
relative scale of the EU and UK economic systems after the Brexit cleavage
needs to be kept firmly in mind. The City makes a great play about the location
of trading in euro-denominated investment assets such as equities, bonds and
derivatives. But the euro assets being traded overwhelmingly belong to EU
savers – not British – as the data below show:
- 23.59 CET January 31, 2020: European Union financial service rules
applied to €25 trillion of investment assets belonging to 513 million EU
citizens and others (e.g. sovereign wealth funds) – derived from the EU’s
€16.4 trillion GDP
- 00.01 CET February 1, 2020: British financial services rules applied to
€6 trillion of investment assets belonging to 67 million UK citizens
derived from the UK’s €2.6 trillion GDP, and €3 trillion belonging to
foreigners. According to the 2021 edition of the City of London Corporation’s
“Total
tax contribution of UK financial services”, UK financial services
contributed £75.6 billion in 2019/20, similar to the 2019 total and the
highest total since the survey began in 2007. The financial services
sector employed 3% of the UK workforce, generating 7% of economic output
and close to 10% of total UK Government revenue – £825 billion in 2019/20.
(To illustrate the significance of this contribution, replacing say half
would require[2]
the basic rate of income tax to rise from 20p to 28p in the £.)
Data
sources: European Commission, City of London Corporation, European Fund and
Asset Management Association
______________________________________________________________________________
The TCA and financial services
The
treaty texts are indeed massive – running to 1259 pages – but only about six
pages are relevant to financial services and largely covered in just four
Articles.
The
Commission provides a simple Q&A to illustrate that the TCA has treated
financial services in much the same way as in the EU’s other Free Trade
Agreements (FTAs). Crucially, it is very explicit about equivalence in an
effort to dispel some illusions in the UK: “The
Agreement does not include any elements pertaining to equivalence frameworks
for financial services. These are unilateral decisions of each party and are
not subject to negotiation.” (Details
in the Technical Appendix)
There
is an “MoU” to be agreed by March 2021 and some commentators appeared to
believe that it would be the mechanism to introduce a wide range of equivalence
decisions. However, reading the actual text (link)
should disabuse any expectations about the EU giving up any of its autonomy.
The MoU may well amount to little more than an agreement to talk to each other
– presumably with appropriate telephone numbers/e-mail addresses provided!
UK policy intentions after Brexit
Three policy statements – a useful starting point for analysis
- The scene was set in October 2020 when the Treasury launched
a review
of financial regulation. The Ministerial Foreword by John Glen (the eighth
Economic Secretary since 2010) was explicit about the aims: “Leaving the EU means the UK has the
opportunity to take back control of the decisions governing our financial
services sector. We can now be guided by what is right for the UK,
regulate differently where we need to, and regulate better…. the
government is also determined to seize opportunities to provide policy
leadership in key areas of financial regulation, including on Green
Finance and a low carbon future, fintech and payments innovation,
financial crime, financial inclusion and the levelling-up agenda.”
- According to the Financial Times (FT) on 11th
January 2021, “Chancellor
Sunak told MPs in the House of Commons that the conclusion of the Brexit
process would now allow Britain to “start doing things differently and
better” in terms of regulation.” The FT reported that the
Chancellor went on to say “Referring
to Brexiters who claimed that the City could now enjoy another 1980s style
leap forward, Mr Sunak told City AM that they “make a really, really good
point”. Referring
to the Thatcher-era
deregulation reforms that opened up the City to more competition and
foreign investment, Mr Sunak added that people were free to “call it Big
Bang 2.0 or whatever”
- Bank of England Governor Bailey also appeared before the
Treasury Select Committee: “Will
the UK become a rule taker in financial services? In our session with the
Bank of England yesterday, Andrew Bailey told us: “I would strongly
recommend that we do not become a rule-taker. […] If the price of that is
no equivalence then I am afraid that will follow.”
All these statements imply that British polices may well be
radically different in future, and that the UK will certainly not feel bound to
“take” any future EU rules. Instead, the UK may well seek to “lead”
international rules. The stage may now be set for a period of serious
divergence in rules – driven by the new goals of UK regulatory policy.
Some analysis of the policy implications
- How will UK-based market participants
respond to any radical changes? The FT reported “City
of London bosses warn against post-Brexit deregulation. Business chiefs
say there is little need for wholesale rule changes in the UK.”
If there is no particular appetite for UK rule changes, it begs the
obvious question: what happens when EU rules change – as they surely will
as it seeks to meet its stated goals of strengthening the monetary union
and responding to Covid/climate change (see
below).The process of changing rules also matters enormously to market
participants – if the new rules are to command respect and therefore
compliance. The Treasury’s consultation on the Future
Regulatory Framework has just closed and our Technical
Appendix contains some key extracts about the process. “The government proposes a general
arrangement whereby the regulators consult HM Treasury more systematically
on proposed rule changes at an early stage in the policy-making process
and before proposals are published for public consultation… It would not give Ministers a veto over the
regulators’ rule-making functions or act as a constraint around the
regulators’ policy discretion when designing rules.”
Anyone familiar with “Yes Minister’s” Sir Humphrey Appleby may
notice striking parallels when reading this officialese! Carefully translating
the officialese into plain English, this means that “Ministers” (the Economic
Secretary for this year), let alone the elected Members of Parliament, will not
have “taken back control”. Instead, Brexit will have taken power away from the
people and handed it to the officials – Sir Humphrey (aka “Sir Braddick-Bailey”[3]
).
Market participants are now used to the open, inclusive EU process
and may not be willing to buy in to `Sir Braddick-Bailey’s’ new British rules
when globally-accepted EU rules are already being used – especially after a
major `sunk cost’ investment in compliance. Moreover, they will need to ask if
UK rules will make firms acceptable to their trading counter-parties and
customers.
There will be a narrow band of acceptability for these new rules:
(i) If the levels of, say, required capital – always a key issue –
are raised beyond standards in competing jurisdictions, then firms will migrate
to the cheaper area.
(ii) Conversely, if capital adequacy is lowered in the UK, banks elsewhere may
face capital add-ons to reflect their exposure to apparently-weaker UK firms.
(iii) However, the third
option is politically the most fascinating: if rules remain closely
aligned as EU rules change, then the UK will have become a vassal “rule-taker”
so Brexit was entirely pointless. Hardly the clarion call of the Leavers!
- Will the new UK process reflect `best
endeavours’ to implement international standards – as agreed in TCA
Article 5.41?
Existing EU Directives/Regulations to implement the current international
standards were all agreed by the UK – both as a member state of the EU and
as a member of the relevant international fora. It will be a fine, nuanced
line to remain compliant with the international rules while deviating from
the EU’s implementing rules. (There are a limited number of instances
where the EU chose not to implement some of the international
rules.)“Leading” the international standard-setters may well take the UK
out of compliance as extremely cumbersome international bodies seek to
catch up some years later with the UK’s “agile rule-making powers” – a potentially
clear breach of the “best endeavours” obligation undertaken in the TCA.
Sensible suggestions remain sensible whatever the country of origin.
However, if “agile” British suggestions turn out to be designed to
undercut EU rules, then the EU and its member states weigh much more
heavily in these fora than the UK. Clearly, this would not be a process
that would induce the EU to make wide-ranging findings of equivalence
between EU and UK rules.
EU financial policy objectives: 2019 – 2024
UK
commentators and academics devote much effort to studying the details of policy
proposals from the EU in an attempt to infer the underlying policy goals – a
kind of reverse-engineering. However, there is an easier (and more certain)
approach: simply read the policy goals formally adopted by the EU’s
co-legislators – the European Parliament and the Council of the EU.
Every
five years, a new European Commission is elected to office – upon nomination by
the Member States and then election by the European Parliament as direct
representatives of the peoples of Europe. In September 2019, Ursula von der
Leyen (UvL) published her “Agenda
for Europe” – the Political Guidelines for the incoming Commissioners for
the period 2019-24. This Agenda is the equivalent of a British political
party’s Manifesto. Unsurprisingly, the civil service – in this case, the
Commission Services – then set about implementing the new policies mandated by
Europe’s democratic system.
The
Agenda stated “A strong,
integrated and resilient capital market is the best starting point for the
single currency to become more widely used internationally.” (More)
These goals define what the EU sees as its “interests” and it has stated
unequivocally in the TCA that it reserves its autonomy to pursue its
“interests”.
About
a year later, DG FISMA (Financial Stability, Financial Services and Capital
Markets Union) published its “Strategic
Plan 2020-2024” to deliver these policy goals, naturally taking the
Commission’s political agenda as the starting point. As would be expected in a
management strategy, the texts are accompanied by Key Performance Indicators –
10 pages of them. The plan is to calibrate objectives in every field of
financial activity. The EU
has detailed its “interests” and the means of measuring progress in
achieving them. This is “autonomy” in action.
Some
of this work was already underway before the new Commission took office. But a
glance at the list of Consultations
since then shows 19 items that cover most aspects of banking, capital markets,
asset management, insurance, and payments systems – as well as digital and
sustainable finance. A hallmark of the EU’s system of financial
regulation since the 2001 Lamfalussy Report has been regular reviews of
existing legislation. All measures since then have incorporated a review
requirement – usually after two years in force – to ensure the legislation
remains up to date with technology and market developments (currently those
driven by Covid) yet ensures financial stability through proper prudential
standards.
The
entire development of the Single Market during Britain’s membership has been
designed to incorporate these “prudential” goals since EU Commissioner Lord
Cockfield’s White Paper
“Completing the Internal Market”, was published in 1985. This 300-directive
programme implemented Mrs Thatcher’s vision of a single market throughout the
EU and came into force in 1992. Successive waves of subsequent financial
services legislation responded to market and technological developments. The
global financial crash of 2007-9 produced a tsunami of reactions and the
combination of Covid and climate change is triggering another.
Accordingly,
it is a racing certainty that virtually every aspect of the EU’s body of
financial regulation will be reviewed by 2024 – even if legislative proposals
are not fully enacted by then. This acquis
(and the implementing measures of the European Supervisory Agencies) has now
grown into something of a super-tanker as national rules are steadily replaced
by European rules designed to provide a genuinely single market. There will be
tweaks on the rudder at times, and maybe significant course corrections as
storms such as the Covid pandemic hit. But
the EU’s course is clear and will take no account of the “interests” of a
former member that is about one-sixth of its size. Why should it?
Some recent developments
- If US dollar financial activity gravitates back into the
jurisdiction of its “central bank of issue” (the natural home?) and the EU
succeeds in its goal of moving the international role of the euro towards
its economic weighting, then what is left for the UK? The trading of EU
shares shifted from London the moment the transition period ended, and is
now barely 4% of the UK total – down from 43% in 2019. The UK share of
trading in interest rate swaps has also fallen significantly already –
probably the most totemic measure of financial power.
- In the massive new field of sustainable finance, the EU has
already – and intentionally – established a global lead in setting
standards such as the EU Taxonomy. It is a classification system for
environmentally sustainable economic activities that was developed by the
European Commission. Global market players seem to be adopting this
system. Is there room for a rival UK system? Intercontinental Exchange
(ICE) has just announced plans to move its €1 billion daily market for
European carbon emissions contracts to the Netherlands from London – a significant
blow to U.K. aspirations to build a `green finance’ powerhouse after
Brexit.
- One of the most hotly debated issues is the movement of jobs
from London to the EU as it is an extremely sensitive issue for firms –
for relations with both staff and government. Ernst and Young’s most
recent Brexit
Tracker states “The
number of jobs that could relocate from London to the EU remains flat at
around 7,000. Alongside relocating UK staff, Firms are continuing to hire
locally on the continent as a result of Brexit. Since the Referendum, 43
Financial Services Firms have announced plans to make local hires for
existing or newly created roles, equating to over 2,400 new jobs.”
This
approach highlights that jobs may well shift by switching recruitment for new
posts from the UK to the EU. Morgan McKinley’s data (left) shows a strong
reduction in UK recruitment as firms implemented their Brexit plans.
But
the Brexit pressures are superimposed on other driving forces – Covid most
recently. Many firms have realised that their staff can achieve much by working
from home. But does that home have to be in the UK and close to the
City? Technology has delivered the means to disperse employment – challenging
the old ideas of critical mass in `localised clusters’ such as the City of
London.
As
a student 50 years ago, this author recalls that Stock Exchange firms were obliged
to have their office within 400 yards of the Exchange so that messengers
(including students!) could quickly walk round to banks with bearer securities
that were just pieces of paper. A necessary technique was to stick a foot in
the bank’s door to stop it being closed (at 3pm sharp) while the security was
delivered against a cheque drawn on the Bank of England: delivery versus
payment!
All
that was swept away long ago and Covid may have accelerated the next phase.
Half a century ago, banks and stockbrokers clustered close to the Bank of
England; insurance close to Lloyds of London; shipping round the Baltic
Exchange etc. Now, the exchanges are clustering in Amsterdam, the asset
managers in Dublin or Luxembourg; mid-offices in Warsaw etc. But they are all
linked by technology so that physical location is increasingly unimportant.
The
EY Brexit trackers show how firms have been preparing for a `hard Brexit’ for
quite some time – as they were required to – very forcefully by the regulators
on both sides of the Channel. EU regulators are now insisting these
plans be fully implemented. Once these changes have been made, would firms
dismantle their new structures if there were a sudden rash of equivalence
decisions by the Commission in the fullness of time? They might contemplate
that the Commission decisions are unilateral and can be withdrawn at short
notice. As they observe the probable gulf between UK and EU rules opening up
(see above), what chance of any equivalence decisions surviving for long?
In any case, the TCA itself is up for review in five years. Might parts
of it (for example, in financial services) just be allowed to lapse if the UK
has systematically breached its commitments e.g. on `best endeavours’?
The
financial services industry is very innovative so the question always has to be
answered: where to locate the new “sunrise” business? It is all too clear where
the “sunset” businesses are located – London. There is a danger that these
“sunrise” businesses will gradually migrate to the EU. If for instance an
originally UK-based organisation sends a few of its key and most profitable
staff to Amsterdam, then the business there will be hugely profitable because
all the back-office costs are still booked in the UK. Dutch tax inspectors
will notice the `super profits’ generated in their country and want their fair
share of the tax take. The natural commercial response will then be to shift
those back-office costs into the EU entity in [Amsterdam] to minimise the
`super profits’ subject to [Dutch] tax. Such a process would be spread over
several years but the logic is inexorable – leading to reduced profits (and
therefore taxes) in the UK as revenues/profits are now located in the
[Netherlands]. As UK tax revenues fall, could that be the trigger for the standard
rate of UK income tax rising from 20p to 28p?
Brexiteers may not have grasped that the international financial
services industry is both highly mobile and highly profit-seeking.
After an initial burden of `sunk costs’ from post Brexit re-configurations, the
international financial services industry will not be damaged, but its former
home – the UK – may well be.
The
revenues that leave the UK will not all go to the EU but maximising purely
`economic transactions’ has never been the EU’s objective. Instead, it
continues to strive for the vison of European unity launched by Churchill in his
series of great speeches after World War II. The modern, mile-stone along
the long road to achieving that objective is to maintain the financial
stability of the Single Market – through the mechanisms agreed for the period
2019-24 in the election of the current European Commission. If British
financial rules are not designed to achieve the same outcome, then they cannot
be “equivalent”.
The
Brexit chickens are quickly coming home to roost after only a month. Quelle surprise! Amsterdam
has overtaken London in share trading and will be the new home for trading the
ICE carbon contract. Swap Execution Facilities (SEFs) in the US are seeing a
rising share of derivatives trading. Apparently technical changes – but the
jobs that operate these activities (and the taxes) are on the move very
quickly. In perhaps half a
decade, the City may look very different – with major impacts on the UK’s tax
revenues, employment and foreign exchange earnings. But the global
financial services industry will have accommodated itself permanently to the new
situation.
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© Graham Bishop
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